The pastors did everything. They considered themselves a final court
  of trial. The whole procedure was based upon the medieval assumption that the Church
  consists of the clergy and that the laymen have no part in the government of the Church.
  Page 88
  By unanimous vote of the clergy, without even a trace of participation on the part of
  the laymen aside from the conventional "Ja" vote, Stephan was excommunicated,
  deposed, and removed from the landed property of the colony-all on that eventful day of
  May 30 1839. The fact that the laymen had previously gotten out a document in which they
  pleaded for participation of the laity in the action against Stephan and in which they
  pointed to the convention of laymen and pastor described in Acts 15 that the pastor had
  resigned their commissions in Germany and were temporary without calls-seemed to have not
  effect upon die Herrn Amtsbrueder [bored bureaucratic cronies]. Page 89
  For years Stephan had adroitly manipulated his doctrine so that very many of colonists
  were of the firm conviction that Stephan was their chief means of grace
  (Hauptgnadenmittel) [head grace mediator] and that outside, and apart from, him there was
  no hope. Page 94
  The clerical faction was gradually headed by C. F. W. Walther and the lay faction by
  Dr. Carl Eduard Vehse, perhaps the most learned of the entire group. Page 95
  As far as the minutes show, the pastor was never legally permitted to attend the
  business part of the voters' meetings. Page 107
  Walther was realistic enough to see that Vehse's theories, now espoused by Marbach and
  Burger, had many adherents through the colony. Page112
  Walther, on the other hand, took his cue from Vehse and attacked the problem from the
  viewpoint of sixteenth century theology. Page 120
  Theses IV-VIII supplement Vehse and therefore are really, as they existed at the
  moment, the heart of Walther's contributions at Altenburg. Page 121
  Unhesitatingly he acknowledges the contribution which Vehse, Fisher, and Jaechel had
  made with their document of September 19, 1939. Page 122
  Simply but quietly he [Walther] built his case on the same authority which Marbach,
  Buerger, Vehse, Fisher, Jaeckel and Wege had used. Page 123.
  Just how did the principles which Vehse and Walther derived from the writings of Luther
  work out in the days-to-day life of a Lutheran Congregation? Page 125
  The present writer has gone over the minutes of the early years several times with a
  view to tracing the application of the Vehse-Walther-Luther principle. Page 125
  ..it can be said that by the large the principle of congregational supremacy was
  applied in the early years of "old Trinity" and that it worked. Page 125
  Every step which the congregation took was apparently in agreement with Walther's
  principle of the supremacy of the congregation, as is revealed the minutes. Page 126
  Another major project of Trinity Congregation, of which we have an extensive record in
  the minutes and which illustrates the working of Walther's polity as derived through Vehse
  from Luther, is the framing of a constitution for the congregation. Page 132
  August 1, 1842, it was resolved that Pastor Walther read the testimonies in Vehse's
  book which refer to the rights of a congregation. Page 139
  Looking over the entire process of adoption of the constitution and examining the
  constitution itself in its entirety, the present writer could not escape the impression
  that genuinely democratic methods were used on the part of the congregation and that the
  constitution safeguarded the principle of congregational supremacy at every turn. Page 148
  In estimating the almost morbid concern of the congregation to safeguard the principle
  of congregational supremacy the present writer wished to point to three factors: . page
  148
  The principle of decentralized government championed by Vehse and Marbach and adopted
  by Walther was upheld beyond a doubt in all operations connected with the building of the
  mother church of the Missouri Synod. Page 160
  In fine, the principles which Vehse and Marbach had gathered from the writings of
  Luther, and which Walther adopted, were beginning to determine the routine of the
  congregation. Page 162
  Walther states that their ultimate aim was to introduce uniform church government in
  all congregations served by them according to the pattern set by Luther. Page 165
  In order to insure publication, the congregation as a whole voted to grant the magazine
  its (Der Lutheraner) financial support. Page 170
  It was a channel through which Luther's concepts of church government and of doctrine
  generally flowed incessantly to the Lutheran laity of the American frontier, and it was a
  means of publicity whereby the Saxon pastors placed what they believed to be a true
  picture of themselves, their doctrine, and polity before the Lutheran Church of America..
  page 170
  Walther wrote, "Furthermore, our immigrant congregations view with alarm every
  institution that even faintly resembles a hierarchy, because of their terrible experience
  with Stephan." Page 172
  The wording [for congregational supremacy] was fixed in the midst of a [Trinity]
  congregation that was intensely jealous of its congregational rights [in St. Louis, on May
  18th, 1846, a month before the Fort Wayne Conference]. page 177
  .and Trinity Congregation, St. Louis, became the leading congregation of the Missouri
  Synod and remained so fore over half a century. Page 177
  In a certain sense one may call the constitution of the Missouri Synod the result of a
  seven-year battle for congregation rights [at Trinity Lutheran Church]. Page 179
  Giving the laity equality with the clergy was something new in the American Lutheran
  Church. Page 181
  The polity of the Missouri Synod was something apart from anything then known in
  America. It was the result of a catastrophic experience in their own midst. Page 183
  The constitution also insisted on purely Lutheran forms of worship, hymnbooks,
  Catechism, and readers in the parish schools. Page 184
  Finally they prepared what they thought was an airtight paragraph safeguarding the
  supremacy of the congregation against any and all possible clerical encroachments. Page
  192
  There are several factors which make connection between the genesis of Missouri's
  polity and existing American democratic theory rather improbable. The resemblance between
  the theory of congregational supremacy and American popular sovereignty is more apparent
  than real. Only male communicant members of the church who reached their twenty-first year
  had the right to vote. Furthermore, matters of doctrine and conscience which assumed great
  importance in the immigrant Church were not subject to popular vote, but were decided on
  the sole authority of the Scriptures. In such matters the Word of God hovered as a SUPEEME
  AUTHORITY over the congregation and Synod. This authority, be it remembered, was wielded
  officially and effectively by the pastor and by the Synodical officials. In a sermon
  delivered upon the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the
  Missouri Synod as the jubilee convention, St. Louis, 1872, Walther said, "Reverence
  and implicit obedience are due the ministry when the pastor teaches the Word of God."
  Page 201)
  The demand for lay participation in the government of the Church did not come until
  September 19, 1839. The demand came from a group of laymen led by Dr. Eduard Vehse. Page
  204
  The removal of Martin Stephan on May 30, 1839, and all the misery that followed that
  event gave the laymen the necessary jolt to press for lay participation in the government
  of the Church. This misery drove them into the writings of Luther, and here the laymen
  found the weapons which they needed to win the battle for CONGREGATIONAL SUPREMACY from
  the power-jealous pastors. Page 205)
  Any democratic political theories which the founders of the Missouri Synod might have
  entertained, they did not get from America, but from the same source from which they
  derived their theory and church polity, viz., from the writings of Martin Luther.
  Walther's political democracy was not that of John Locke nor of Jean Jacques Rousseau.
  Page 207
  Led by Dr. Vehse from May 30 to December 11, 1839, and after his return to Germany by
  Dr. F. A. Marbach, a group of highly intelligent laymen propagandized the colony in behalf
  of laymen's participation in the government of the Church. At the suggestion of Stephan
  these laymen had studied the writings of Martin Luther for years while they were still in
  Germany. Their knowledge of Luther's writings was astonishing. Their claims for lay
  participation in the government of the Church were based primarily upon the earlier
  statements of Luther concerning the priesthood of all believers. At first the Saxon
  ministerium, including C.F.W Walther, resisted these laymen most vigorously, as already
  stated.) Page 212
  In this extreme exigency Walther made a virtue of necessity and adopted a realistic
  course. He accepted the principles of church government from the writings of Luther. Page
  213
  By putting real power into the laymen's hands the founders of the Missouri Synod
  nurtured and developed a sturdy and informed laity. The laymen learned by doing. The
  difficult problem of teaching men and women who had been brought up in the State Church of
  Germany the task of paying for the maintenance of the Church was solved by giving laymen
  the privilege and the duty of making important decisions in the Church.... The zeal which
  the early Missouri Synod laymen showed for their Church in that they attended meeting
  after meeting was produced, no doubt, in part by the fact that these men knew that their
  decisions were final. Page 218-219